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New Nukes, New Wars
By David Keppel
This is an address that David Keppel will deliver at
the Bloomington Peace Action
Coalition forum at the Monroe County Public Library, Bloomington,
IN at 6:30
PM August 4, 2004.
Fifty-nine
years after the US atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the
danger
of nuclear war is rising. And once
again, it may be the United
States
that uses these indefensible weapons.
On
July 12th, President Bush gave a speech defending his decision to attack
Iraq
in quest of weapons of mass destruction it did not have. Some of you
may
recall just where Mr. Bush gave this speech: at Oak Ridge National
Nuclear
Laboratory, after inspecting gas centrifuges to enrich uranium for
new
US nuclear weapons. You remember
the notorious Iraqi aluminum tubes
that
the US falsely charged were for centrifuges.
The
irony of George Bush's Oak Ridge speech reaches beyond the deceptions of
the
Iraq war. New York Times columnist
Maureen Dowd recently wrote an
article
titled, "Right Axis, Wrong Evil." She argued - correctly - that the
tired
Iraq of 2003 was far less dangerous than the other members of Bush's
Axis,
Iran and North Korea. North Korea
does have nuclear weapons and Iran
may
have a serious program. But Dowd's
argument is itself dangerous.
Though
intended to ridicule Bush on Iraq, it could also goad him (or
possibly
John Kerry) on Iran and North Korea.
If
we want to prevent the next war, we are going to have to address the
issue
of global nuclear and biological weapons proliferation. We are going
to
have to look at the specter Bush raised - a 9/11 with weapons of mass
destruction
- and identify where the real risks lie.
Ever
since Hiroshima, the United States has been the driving force in the
nuclear
arms race. The attack on Hiroshima
was intended to frighten the
Soviets,
but it frightened them only into acquiring the weapons themselves.
The
US then justified each innovation as catching up with the Russians, even
though
we were always ahead. Yet the
Russians always followed and so did
others. When the USSR (and our justification)
collapsed in 1991, rogue
states
run by madmen and in alliance with terrorists appeared in the nick of
time.
Lest
anyone get the wrong impression because of its disappearance from the
news,
the Cold War nuclear arms race has not gone away. The United States
still
has 5,886 strategic nuclear warheads, such as the first strike weapons
on
the Trident II submarines, to fight a nuclear war with Russia or China.
The
oversold Moscow Treaty of 2002 is really just a way of phasing out
obsolete
weapons while we modernize. The
Bush administration's renunciation
of
the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and its embrace of space weapons will
push
Russia and China to a new arms race and hair-trigger launch-on-warning
policies. But the new obsessive threat, rogue states,
serves to legitimize
new,
more usable weapons to target smaller countries.
On
June 15th, the United States Senate rejected an amendment, offered by
Diane
Feinstein of California, to prohibit the use of funds for support of
new
nuclear weapons development - specifically, the so called Robust Nuclear
Earth
Penetrator and Advanced Concept
nuclear weapons. Only one
Republican
- Chafee of Rhode Island - voted for the amendment. And only
four
Democrats, including Dixiecrat Zell Miller of Georgia, voted against
the
amendment and for the weapons. You
know where I'm going: one of them
was
Indiana's Evan Bayh.
I
received an April 21 letter from Senator Bayh explaining his position.
Many
of you may have identical letters.
Senator Bayh writes: "Classical
deterrence
as practiced against the Soviet Union does not apply to
individuals
or groups who value neither their own life or" - I'm quoting
verbatim
- "those they intend to harm.
The United States must have
appropriate
defense tools to combat this new threat." End quote.
How
on Earth, Senator, is a nuclear weapon an "appropriate defense tool"
against
a non-state actor? Do you realize
that any nuclear weapon,
earth-penetrating
or not, would send up a plume of radioactive dirt fatally
contaminating
hundreds of thousands or millions in the nation on whose soil
it
was used and beyond?
Perhaps
Senator Bayh meant that the United States should use nuclear weapons
on
a nation, such as North Korea or Iran, from which terrorists might obtain
nuclear
devices or materials or perhaps biological weapons. And I think we
have
to take the risk of a US or (in the Iranian case) also possibly Israeli
preemptive
bombing very seriously. Nicholas
Kristof of The New York Times
has
reported that the Pentagon has contingency plans for nuclear strikes on
North
Korea.
But
let's start with the most obvious problem: What if we hit the wrong
target? In the beginning of the war last year,
the US bombed a number of
sites
based on urgent intelligence that Saddam Hussein was there - only he
wasn't. How much greater a travesty, tragedy,
and crime that would have
been
with nuclear weapons. And if you
did find a real cache of biological
weapons,
and just grazed it with a nuclear earth-penetrator, your plume of
dirt
would also be a plume of germs.
President
Bush and Senator Bayh also neglect the political fallout of a US
nuclear
strike. If the target were Iran,
al Qaeda would have countless new
recruits
eager to unleash nuclear terrorism on US soil. If the target were
North
Korea, a million North Korean soldiers would descend on Seoul and not
only
the Korean Peninsula, but also US relations with China, would be in
chaos. All taboos on nuclear weapons anywhere
in the world would be gone in
a
mushroom cloud.
The
North Korean and possibly Iranian nuclear programs are objectively
worrisome,
but it won't make us any safer to exaggerate them. If war would
be
disastrous - and it would be - and if we're going to reach a negotiated
solution,
then we must stop using US pressure to bring about regime change.
With
North Korea, for example, Pyongyang is not likely to give its nuclear
weapons
to terrorists, but it might sell them.
That's why our economic
noose
on North Korea only increases the danger to ourselves. It is time to
end
the last Korean War rather than beginning a new one. As South Korea has
been
trying to tell us, it is reduced tension and increased exchange that
are
most likely to bring greater democracy to the North.
With
Iran, we must stop using the territory of occupied Iraq to destabilize
Tehran,
as journalist Seymour Hersh reports we are doing. And if we want
Iran
to forswear nuclear weapons, we must work for a nuclear-free Middle
East
- and that includes Israel's two hundred nuclear weapons. We are
already
committed to that goal in UN Security Council Resolution 687 - the
one
we used so often against Iraq.
The
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was a grand bargain, where others
abstained
only if existing nuclear powers moved towards disarmament. Yet
the
Administration's Nuclear Posture Review threatens nuclear strikes even
against
non-nuclear states.
Ultimately
our own nuclear and biological weapons programs, as well as
civilian
nuclear reactors, pose the greatest risk for terrorism. Dangerous
nuclear
materials cross the country on trucks; they also lie in the spent
fuel
pools of civilian reactors; and a lesser grade of material - but enough
to
make a terrifying "dirty bomb" with a conventional explosive
dispersing
radioactive
waste - is far more common. It is
ironic and tragic that the US
military's
use of depleted uranium artillery is already a form of
radiological
warfare, as you will hear in tonight's presentations. And even
our
most sensitive nuclear weapons installations are vulnerable to an inside
job.
The
2001 anthrax attacks (which provided the backdrop to Congressional panic
and
almost unanimous passage of the PATRIOT Act) appear to have been just
that,
an inside job, by someone with access to the US military's Ames strain
of
that disease. Yet the Pentagon -
in a project with the Orwellian name
Jefferson
- is genetically engineering anthrax and other germ weapons and is
building
laboratories to experiment with deadly communicable diseases such
as
Ebola. Many experts consider the
US biodefense program objectively
offensive. The possibilities for sabotage or
accident are incalculable, and
Americans
are highly likely to be among the victims.
Meanwhile,
in our obsession with terror, we neglect far greater dangers.
The
dilapidated US and global public health system is unprepared for a
deadly
influenza epidemic that experts think could kill millions. Global
warming
will accelerate the emergence of new diseases. A billion people
globally
lack safe drinking water and thus provide an ideal launch point for
germs
to gain virulence. If an epidemic
arises among the global poor,
Americans
may regard them as virtual biological terrorists, and the logic of
exterminism
could snuff out our own remaining humanity.
And
yet, for some of us, Hiroshima Day is the most hopeful of the year.
Hiroshima
did more than unleash nuclear weapons; it also unleashed human
consciousness
of life's vulnerability on this beautiful planet. It
unleashed
a human chain reaction - the global peace movement.
There
are ways out of danger. We not
only must, we also can abolish nuclear
and
biological weapons. The first step
is for us to insist that the United
States
join the pledge never to use nuclear weapons first and stop building
weapons
so designed. The hope and power of
one true step could begin to
turn
the world from fear, hate, and terror to the work and love and joy of
caring
for each other and at last creating a culture celebrating life.
David
Keppel
August
4, 2004
Note: There's an apparent contradiction:
while Senators voted for new
nuclear
weapons development (miscalled research), an attack on North Korea
or
Iran might come much sooner. If it
is nuclear, it would use existing
nuclear
weapons such as the B-61-11. In
part, the new nuclear weapons have
an
ideological function: suggesting that nuclear weapons can be small and
clean. Any nuclear weapon, new or old, will be
dirty and destructive.
Meanwhile,
our exaggerated fear of "rogues" legitimizes the arms race, which
is
also directed against China and Russia.
The
Kristof column on North Korea appeared 02/28/03. The article on
mistaken
targeting of Saddam is Jehl and Schmitt, ""Errors are Seen in Early
Attacks
on Iraqi Leaders." NYT
06/13/04.
September
11th should have taught the United States that the Bush
Administration's
new Maginot Line - a multibillion dollar missile shield -
will
not protect us against a terrorist nuclear attack, while it will only
stimulate
major nuclear powers, such as Russia and China, to build more
weapons
to overwhelm it.
Mr. Keppel is a writer, activist and an Indiana state
coordinator for MoveOn. He lives in Indiana and is a frequent contributor to
this website and has written Op-Ed articles for the Indianapolis Star.