grassrootspeace.org

November 5, 2007: This website is an archive of the former website, traprockpeace.org, which was created 10 years ago by Charles Jenks. It became one of the most populace sites in the US, and an important resource on the antiwar movement, student activism, 'depleted' uranium and other topics. Jenks authored virtually all of its web pages and multimedia content (photographs, audio, video, and pdf files. As the author and registered owner of that site, his purpose here is to preserve an important slice of the history of the grassroots peace movement in the US over the past decade. He is maintaining this historical archive as a service to the greater peace movement, and to the many friends of Traprock Peace Center. Blogs have been consolidated and the calendar has been archived for security reasons; all other links remain the same, and virtually all blog content remains intact.

THIS SITE NO LONGER REFLECTS THE CURRENT AND ONGOING WORK OF TRAPROCK PEACE CENTER, which has reorganized its board and moved to Greenfield, Mass. To contact Traprock Peace Center, call 413-773-7427 or visit its site. Charles Jenks is posting new material to PeaceJournal.org, a multimedia blog and resource center.

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War on Truth  From Warriors to Resisters
Books of the Month

The War on Truth

From Warriors to Resisters

Army of None

Iraq: the Logic of Withdrawal

By David Keppel davidkeppel@earthlink.net (David Keppel, a writer and activist, lives in Indiana.)

Is Congress Hiding?

Congress has been hiding. Here's a resolution against wider war. In its drafted form, it will probably win only our friends (e.g., Kucinich, Kennedy) but to some degree it represents much broader Congressional sentiment (Kerry, Lugar).

Bush will probably not attack Syria, Iran, or North Korea "right now." But he has made enough threats so that we need to speak. Otherwise, we'll be on the same slope we were a year ago, when the hawks threatened immediate war against Iraq so that later war would seem a moderate choice. Last summer, Rumsfeld started a process of deployment that led to war. Congress must head this off, not buy the dishonest argument that we need to negotiate "from strength," which is eventually replaced by the argument that we now have to go to war to avoid losing prestige.

In the medium term (i.e., between now and the elections, probably closer to the latter), I take the danger of any of these three wars very seriously. The war might have a different shape: we would, I think, be more likely to bomb North Korea or Iran than to invade. And we might use tactical nuclear weapons -- especially in the Korean case, where we would need not only to knock out a number of nuclear sites but also to hit the regime so hard that it wouldn't invade the south. (Intelligence analysts believe the Iraqi resistance collapsed because people thought -- perhaps wrongly -- that our bomb strike of April 7 had killed Saddam -- NYT 04/16/03.) Many people underestimate the danger that Bush will eventually attack North Korea; Nicholas Kristof of The Times is not among them. (See also the long letter in the March 20 Wall Street Journal by the well connected lawyer and lobbyist David B. Revkin: after we have moved our troops from the front line, we can "reconsider military options.")

An early resolution against a wider war would thus put Congress in a stronger position. A draft follows. (By separate e-mail, I'm sending you a copy of the "World War IV" article, which might be easier to reuse than the link I gave you Friday.)


RESOLUTION: CAUTIONING THE PRESIDENT ON WAR BEYOND IRAQ AND ADVISING HIM ON IRAQ'S RECONSTRUCTION

Whereas in October 2002 Congress authorized the President only to disarm Iraq;

Whereas Congress specifically removed the President's proposed language authorizing him "to restore peace and stability in the Middle East," which might have implied authority to use United States military force beyond Iraq's borders or against other states;

Whereas Congress made clear that the purpose of this action was to eliminate the possible threat Iraq's weapons of mass destruction and that this authority did not extend to other goals, even worthy ones;

Whereas the costs of the current war and of rebuilding Iraq are likely to be high, constraining our ability to meet other urgent priorities at home and overseas, and increasing the deficit;

Whereas the risks of escalation include loss of American life, heavy civilian casualties, the use of weapons of mass destruction during the conflict, regional turmoil, polarization of international opinion, a "clash of civilizations," new problems of nation building in the aftermath of war;

Now therefore, Congress reminds the President he does not now have authority to wage war beyond Iraq;

Urges him to resolve disputes about weapons of mass destruction through diplomatic channels, with broad international support and respecting the United States's commitments as a member of the United Nations;

Urges him to seek comprehensive solutions to global proliferation and to refrain from provocative weapons programs and doctrines;

Reminds him that the war against terrorism is directed against Al Qaeda or other organizations with a clear intent of attacking the United States, and that the United States's strong interest in achieving peace and security for Israelis, Palestinians, and others in the region must be pursued diplomatically;

Urges him to move swiftly to engage the international community in the rebuilding of Iraq and to put the United Nations in a central role in establishing a legitimate process leading to democracy in Iraq and in determining whether Iraq had weapons of mass destruction.


Page created April 22, 2003 by Charlie Jenks